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why did populists support limits on immigration?


why did populists support limits on immigration?

welcome to solsarin.  we will seek answer to question”why did populists support limits on immigration?” then we’ll learn more about populism .

why did populists support limits on immigration
why did populists support limits on immigration



political program or movement that champions, or claims to champion, the common person, usually by favourable contrast with a real or perceived elite or establishment. Populism usually combines elements of the left and the right, opposing large business and financial interests but also frequently being hostile to established socialist and labour parties.

The term populism can designate either democratic or authoritarian movements. Populism is typically critical of political representation and anything that mediates the relation between the people and their leader or government.

In its most democratic form, populism seeks to defend the interests and maximize the power of ordinary citizens, through reform rather than revolution.

In the United States the term was applied to the program of the Populist Movement, which gave rise to the Populist, or People’s, Party in 1892. Many of the party’s demands were later adopted as laws or constitutional amendments (e.g., a progressive tax system). The populist demand for direct democracy through popular initiatives and referenda also become a reality in a number of U.S. states.

In its contemporary understanding, however, populism is most often associated with an authoritarian form of politics.


Who is populist ?

a person, especially a politician, who strives to appeal to ordinary people who feel that their concerns are disregarded by established elite groups.


The Populist Movement

In late-nineteenth-century United States, agrarian reformers in southern and midwestern states collaboratively organized for government action against business monopolies, exorbitant railroad rates, secret ballots and political corruption, and the gold standard for currency.

Because the Republican and Democratic parties were not meeting their needs, these “common men” farmers and small business owners joined the “people’s party” or Populist party as a third- party alternative. Emerging from earlier political efforts of farmers, such as the Granger movement and the Farmer’s Alliance, the Populists attracted not only rural white male farmers, but also African American farmers and women reformers.

This primary source set highlights prominent Populists, propaganda from political campaigns, and political arguments of the movement. After reading and viewing these documents, assess how central the “common people” are to the movement.

why did populists support limits on immigration
why did populists support limits on immigration

populist party

The People’s Party, also known as the Populist Party, was an important political party in the United States of America during the late nineteenth century.
The People’s Party originated in the early 1890s.

It was organized in Kansas, but the party quickly spread across the United States. It drew its members from Farmers’ Alliances, the Grange, and the Knights of Labor.

Originally, the Populists did not form a national organization, preferring to gain political influence within individual states.
The Populist Party consisted primarily of farmers unhappy with the Democratic and Republican Parties. The Populists believed that the federal government needed to play a more active role in the American economy by regulating various businesses, especially the railroads.

In particular, the Populists supported women’s suffrage the direct election of United States Senators.

They hoped that the enactment women’s suffrage and the direct election of senators would enable them to elect some of their members to political office.

Populists also supported a graduated income tax, government ownership of the railroads, improved working conditions in factories, immigration restrictions, an eight-hour workday, the recognition of unions, and easier access to credit.
During the early 1890s, the Populist Party garnered numerous victories.

The party won governors’ seats in Colorado, Washington, North Carolina, Montana, and several additional states. The Populists gained control of state legislatures in Kansas, Nebraska, and North Carolina, and they succeeded in electing members to the United States House of Representatives in Kansas, Nebraska, Minnesota, and California.
In 1892, the People’s Party formed a national organization. The party selected James Weaver as its candidate for the presidency of the United States.

The Populist platform called for government ownership of the railroads and the telephone and telegraph networks. It also demanded the free coinage of silver, an end to private script, a graduated income tax, direct election of senators, additional government and railroad-owned land being made available to homesteaders, and the implementation of secret ballots.

The Populists won numerous political offices at the state and local levels, but Weaver finished a distant third to Grover Cleveland in the presidential election. By the election of 1896, the Democratic Party had absorbed many of the Populist ideals, causing the People’s Party to cease to exist as a national organization.
In Ohio, the Populist Party remained a relatively insignificant force in politics.

Thousands of Ohioans, especially farmers and industrial workers, agreed with the Populists platform, but they made up a minority of the states populace. John J. Seitz, a Populist, ran for Ohio’s gubernatorial seat, but he received less than three-tenths of one percent of the votes cast in the election.

The party performed significantly better in the gubernatorial race of 1895. Jacob S. Coxey ran as the Populist candidate and received fifty-two thousand votes. It was a respectable showing, but Coxey still lost the election. He ran again in 1897.

This time he received just over six thousand votes, illustrating the declining popularity of the Populist Party.
The People’s Party in Ohio helped Republicans tremendously, because the Populists tended to draw their supporters from the Democratic Party. To win back their former members, the Democrats in Ohio, as the party did nationally, quickly adopted many of the Populists ideals.



Global populism

Global populism is on the rise.The defining characteristic of such populist parties is a claim to represent an “organic” people or nation, rather than specific interests or groups.

Such representation has two deeply worrying implications: first, the nation has to be defined, usually in nativist terms.

This means renewed efforts to exclude vulnerable groups from the definition of the “people.” This is majority rule without minority rights. Second, those who disagree with populist representation of “the people” are obviously not the “real” nation. The opposition (whether elite or popular) is by definition treasonous and treacherous—and should be summarily dealt with.

why did populists support limits on immigration
why did populists support limits on immigration


Why populists are against immigrants ?

Not surprisingly, then, many populists view immigrants as both a cultural and an economic threat to the “people,” and have rallied support around policies designed to limit immigration, preserve cultural homogeneity, and reduce the economic strain produced by immigrants. Concerns about the enforcement of existing immigrations laws, and about the integration and assimilation of immigrants into their new home countries are shared more broadly—but they are often also exploited by populist politicians as evidence of the corrupt elite status quo, and the need to redefine the nation.

why did populists support limits on immigration
why did populists support limits on immigration

four facets of the resulting relationship between populism and immigration

1. The political economy of immigration and integration.
Critics of immigration, populist and otherwise, view it as posing unfair economic competition: whether foreign PhDs, undocumented domestic and service workers, or the undercutting of wages and job availability.

In addition, populist parties (among others) often charge that immigrants overuse and strain the welfare states of recipient countries.
Here, how do populists (in or out of office) influence the political economy of immigration? Which immigrants pose labor market competition, where, and how?

Have populist parties and actors benefited from the resulting grievances, or have other actors? What is the impact on the welfare state, and where?

2. Immigration as diversity and/ or cultural threat
One of the critical concerns of populist parties is protecting “the people” or “the nation,” defined in historical and homogenous terms. Populist parties frequently criticize immigrant and minority populations for diluting and undermining “the people” and their  well-being: in other words, these populations are a cultural threat to historical identities.

At the same time, there is a broader concern with the integration of immigration populations.
How, then, do countries “manage diversity”? What are the new boundaries around citizenship and citizen rights? When is immigration successfully portrayed as an investment in the future, and when is it seen as a cultural threat to national unity, identity, and stability? Is the cultural threat also an economic one, by shifting labor market participation, societal demographics, and the demand for particular welfare services?

3. Partisanship and immigration
European electoral data shows that the rise in immigration flows and the surge in electoral support for populist parties are closely aligned. In the United States, immigration has become an enormously salient political issue, manifested in continuing debates over border security, the enforcement of existing laws, economic competition, DACA, and the legal status of immigrants.
How do political actors use immigration as an electoral issue? How does immigration feed into voting, policies, and partisan shifts? What are the conduits by which immigration influences politics: advocacy groups, political parties, institutions?

Does immigration drive polarization—and does polarization produce distinct immigration policies? What are the determinants of the public support for immigration?

4. Immigrant communities
Immigration has changed: when immigrants came to Europe in the 1960s and 1970s, they did so from and to specific countries, with strictly controlled quotas and subsequent civic rights. Immigration in the 21st century has come in multinational waves, and individual countries have been less able to manage it using the tools used earlier.

EU integration here has meant greater labor mobility, and a far greater backlash against a perceived impotence of domestic governments to manage and control this immigration.
How have the shifting patterns of immigration changed the political, economic, and cultural status of immigrants? What are the strategies of incorporation, political mobilization, and self-protection used by immigrant communities? How has the rise of populism led to new responses by native populations? To what extent can we talk about “immigrant communities” at all, given the shifting nature of immigration, especially to Europe?

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